E5-/3 




HOLLINGER 
pH8J 

MILL RUN F3.1543 







ComiuontaCciltl) of JJliis^^irjjusctls. 



T^ '•^Z 



ij Executive Depautmknt, Boston, Feb. 3, 1863. 

S. F. Wktmoue, Esq., Indianapolh^ Indiana: — 

]yiy Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 22il January would liavc rceeived that 
prompt attention whieh tlie suhje.et itself demands, and whicii is surely duo to 
the interest you have manifested, on more tlian one occasion, in the establi.sli- 
ment of the truth touciiin;: the conduct of New Enijland, and particularly 
of JIassachusetts, when arraigned by j)er?ons of other sections of the country, 
had my enirajiemonts permitted an earlier rej)ly. 

You inform me, in the first plai-e, that a committee has been raised by the 
popular branch of the legislature of Indiana, to incjuire and rejOTrt, Why 
iMa.tsachu.->etl.t han not sent to the field during the present war as muntj men as 
hare been sent by Indiana. 

I do not know how many men have been furnished to the Union army 
hitherto by the State of Indiana. I am unable, therefore, to present you the 
facts sought for in the form of a comparati\ e statement. And I am not sorry, 
for the pur|)oses of the present moment, that I am thus ignorant, since the 
testimony I sliall give you will be relieved of tJie moral disadvantages which 
wouUl attend the effort of reciting facts and presenting an argumentative 
comparison at the same time. I may be allowed to remark, however, that 
while we in Massachusetts have devoted ourselves to the business of the 
national delence with an earnestness, zeal, and success which have arouseil 
the hatred of every enemy of the Union, scarcely less apparint on the lips of 
Northern syni|)athizei-3 with treason than of Southern traitors and rebels 
themselves, I liave always believed that the government and jieople of In- 
diana have been alike distinguished, from thi; beginning of the struggle, by the 
fidelity of their exertions and tiie valor of their troops. 

Tiie contribution of Massachusetts to the Union army, in the year 1861, 
was twenty-two regiments anil eight companies of infantry, two companies of 
sharpshootei-s, five batteries of liglit artillery, and one regiment of cavalry, all 
enlisted for three years, besides five regiments of infantry, one battalion of 
rilles, and one company of artillery, who served for three months. 

The contribution of 186'2, made by Massachusett.s to the Union arniy, was 
thirty regiments and tour comjianiis of infantry, of which thirteen regiments 
and three companies were enlisted tor three yeai"s, scM'nteen regin\ents for 
nine months, and one company fi)r six months; five batteries of light artil- 
lery, of which three were enlisted for three years, one for nine months, and 
one for six months; five companies of heavy artillery eidisted for three years ; 
three companies of cavalry enlisted for three yeai-s; two <ompanies of militia, 
one of which serve<l for two montlis, ami the other for five months. 



since the beginning of 1863 two more batteries of light artillery ha' 
marched from the State, leaving still two others now in process of reci 
ment, and a second regiment of cavalry, of which one battalion is now x 
to march. A third company of sharpshooters and a sixth company of \ 
artillery are also in process of recruitment. It should be added that one oi 
the regiments originally raised in 1861, composed often companies of infantry, 
was subsequently enlarged to a regiment of heavy artillery. Having thus 
given you, as nearly as may be, the military organizalions sent by Massachu- 
setts to the field during the war, allow me to present a statement prepared 
by the Adjutant General of the Commonwealth, at my request, exhibiting the 
whole number of men enlisted therein, both originally and for their subse- 
quent recruitment, up to January 1st, 1863 : — 

Wliole number of three months men, ...... 3,736 

AVhole number of three years men reported up to Nov. 

ISth, 1862, 56,214 

Whole number of three years men reported as 
mustered in since Nov. 15th, (perhaps 100 
short,) 2,184 

Whole number of nine months men, . . 16,896 

19,080 



Total three years and nine months men, ..... 75,294 



Total also Including the three months men, 79,030 

Permit me to add, though I am answering now only for my own Common- 
wealth, that I do not pretend for a moment that our sister States of New 
England would at all suffer by any comparison with Massachusetts. They 
would not. 

The extended sea-coast line of Massachusetts has naturally engaged a large 
number of her able-bodied men in the business of navigation, whaling, and 
the fisheries. These men, from their training, have been attracted In large 
numbers to the naval service. In preference to that of any military arm upon 
the land. The numbers tims drawn Into the navy I am imable to declare 
with exact precision. From the best sources of Information, sought for among 
gentlemen connected with commerce and navigation, I am brought to the 
opinion that about 12,000 men are or have been engaged In the naval service 
on the ocean, or in gunboat service on the rivers, whose homes are In Mas- 
sachusetts. Besides this number, about 3,000 more are believed to be occupied 
as seamen, engineers, or otherwise, in the trans])ort service on the sea. 

For the purpose of enabling our friends at the West to decide for themselves 
whether (considered, either positively or by compai'Ison Avith other States) 
this Commonwealth has omitted her proper contribution to the human forces 
of the war, I beg you to remember that our population by the census of 1860 
was a total of 1,231,066, including both sexes, aliens and persons of all races 
and complexions, and that the white males of Massachusetts of all ages were 
592,231. The population of the State of Indiana, by the same census, pre- 
sented a like total of 1,350,428, of which number the white males of all ages 
were 693,348. Thus the population of Indiana exceeded that of Massachu- 
setts by 119,362, and the number of male Inhabitants of Indiana exceeded 
the males of Massachusetts by the number of 101,117. This statement illus- 
ti'ates not only the absolute excess of population In Indiana over that of 
Massachusetts, but also the relative excess of males in Indiana over the males 
of Massachusetts as compared with the aggregate pojoulation of the two States 
resjjectlvely. 

The number of male inhabitants of Massachusetts Is 85 41-100 per cent, of 
the male inhabitants of Indiana, and, at first blush, it would seem that the 
military contribution of men by the two States should be in that proportion. 



3 

This, Iiowcvor. is not norrss.irily f nu\ allowinyj rolativo oqiifllity to bo tlifi rule 
ordiity. IJi'caiiso tlio i>r()|M)rticni of men litlcil to hear arms in the State! of 
Massailmsflts may not bo in tlin suiu; ratio to tbi; wIioU; numljcr of Iier inalo 
inhabitants, whicli tin; niiinl»'r of thtr same class of mah^ inliabitaiits of 
Indiana bears to the a^;.'ri'iralf nnmbiT of her male |)o|iiihilion. For cxanipk', 
in two sncli .Status tlu- rclativt' pi-onortion.s of tlicir iiit.'ii i-apabh- of l)t'aring 
arms will nrci'ssarily be aUVctiul oy all those circumstances which tend to 
create ditl'erences in the character of the ])oj)ulations of old comninnities, and 
those more recently settled. In an old conununily the number of aged men 
and wonu'n must be ibun<l ])ro])orti(inately larper, because sue h persons arc not 
usually mifxratory, while yonn;,' and active men and women form the larger 
share of iminijirants to new States. 

Of this fact one readily perceives a striking illustration in the large number 
of the oHicers whose places of birth as well as names are known to us ibund 
serving in tlu^ n-giments or credited to the account of our younger sister 
States, who, born in the fjldcr Conunonwealths of New Kuglaml and emigrat- 
ing to the West, hav»? ideutilicd their ])ers()nal fortunes with the rising glories 
of those attrai'tive and llourislilng portions of our national heritage. 

I have not seen stated the nuiul)t'r of the t'nrolled Militia of Iniliana, as it 
appears by the last enrolment. The number of the enrolled ^Militia of M.-issa- 
ehusetts returned by the Assessoi-s of each city and town tlu; last autumn wa.s 
17G,3G4, including of course her citizens both at home and already in the 
Jield. From this number, however, is to be deducted those physically disabled 
from military service and liable to rejection therefor, or otherwise exempted 
by law. This ri'duced the whole number of the enrolle<l Militia of Massa- 
eiinsetts, belonging to the class of non-exempts, to 110,7i)(). 

The whole amount of military expenditure on account of the United States 
for the past year is S10I),I).S2.(>7, and the total amount expended and chaiged to 
the fJeneral Government since the commencement of the war is S.'3,450,l 10.52, 
This includes the purchase of arms, horses, wagons, ecjuijjments, subsistence, 
and other supplies required in the raising, outfit and movement of troop.s, and 
it d(x?s not imluile any sums paid in the nature of bounties nor of aid to the 
families of volunteers. 

Thus much tor our record. AVhether we have done well or done ill I may 
not attempt to decide. But I pray those who would criticise any shortcoming 
of Massachusetts, in camp or on the field, by land or sea, in arts or arms, in 
any of the works or the dangers of ])atriotic duty, to declare aflirmatively, 
and by methals the most positive and responsible, wherein she has failed or 
fallen short. And if the accusation shall come from men who have striven 
hitherto and are striving now to crush the rebellion, and to conquer the power 
against which our brethren have drawn the sword and opposed their lives, I 
am sure that Massachusetts will cheerfully accept the instruction, and will 
supply the omitted duty. 

You have done me the honor, also, to inquire, What was done h>/ the men 
of ^fa.tsachtl.1Cll.^i for the mUilari/ service of the United Stales during the war of 
the Revolution ? An answer was furnished to the (piestion by tlu" Depart- 
ment of War in 17!tO, on the call of Fisher Ames. fJeneral Knox was, at 
that time, the Secretary of War. It is contained in a statement copied from 
the first volunu! of the American Archives. It exhil)its not only the contribu- 
tion of troops made by Massachusetts to the war of the Revolution, but also 
the contribution made by each of the original thirteen States. 



Statement of the number of Troops and Militia furnished by the several States, 
for the support of the Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, inclusive. 





II 


« 


o 3 §• 


■-: 2 


STATES. 


s- a 




S "^ H 


B % 




S a 


O 


"3 5 c 






3 ■" 


o 


c 3 c 


o ~ 


Northern. 










New Hampshire, 


12,40G 


2,093 


14,598 


7.300 


Massachusetts, 


67,937 


15,155 


83,092 


9,500 


Rhode Island, 


5,908 


4,284 


10,192 


1,500 


Connecticut, 


32,039 


7,792 


39,831 


3,000 


New York, 


17,781 


3,312 


21,093 


8,750 


Pennsylvania, 


25,008 


7,357 


32,965 


2,000 


New Jersey, 


10,727 


6,055 


16,782 


2,500 


Totals, 


172,496 


46,048 


218,553 


30,950 


Southern. 










Delaware, 


2,387 


376 


2,263 


1,000 


Mar3'land, 


13,912 


5,464 


19,376 


4,000 


Virjrinia, 


26,072 


4,163 


30,835 


21,880 


North Carolina, 


7,263 


2,716 


9,969 


12,000 


South Carolina, 


5,508 


- 


5,508 


28,000 


Georgia, 


2,079 




2,679 


9,930 


Totals, 


58,421 


12,719 


71,130 


76,810 



The followino; Table exhibits a comparative view of the populations of the 
New England States and of the Southern States, severally and respectively, 
according to the census of 1790 ; attended by an exhibit of the authenticated 
troops furnished by each of those States and both sections : — 







h.f?h 






f^Vo 




a 


c * 22 oj 




c 






'^ 


= »■/=« 








New England 








g 




States. 


3 ^ 


t_ r, .« c3 G 


Southern States. 


3 ? 






























d* 


^A*"^*'" 




Pi 


^^'-.^^ 


Massachusetts, . . 


475,257 


83,092 


Delaware, . . . 


59,096 


2,763 


Connecticut, . . . 


238,141 


39,831 


Maryland, . . . 


319,728 


19,376 


New Hampshire, . 


141,899 


14,598 


Virginia, .... 


748,308 


30,835 


Ehode Island, . . 


69,110 


10,192 


North Carolina, . 


393,751 


9,969 








South Carolina, . 
Georgia, .... 

Totals, . . . 


249,073 
82,548 


5,508 
2,679 


Totals, . . . 


924,407 


147,713 




1,852,504 


71,130 



Thus it will be seen that Massachusetts alone, with only about one-fourth 
the population of the South, furnished 11,9G2 more authenticated troops than 
they all ; and that the four New England States of the old thirteen, with a 
trifle less than one-half of the population of the six States of the South, con- 
tributed, of continental and authenticated militia troops, a little more than 
twice as many as the contribution of the South to the national cause of inde- 
pendence. In actual numbers, the New England contingent, furnished by a 
population of 924,407, was 147,713 soldiers, against the southern contingent 



of 71,130 soldiers, furnished by a ]iopulalion of 1,852,501. Tims, New Enff- 
land »rave of lier sons in tlie j)i()|)c)iii()n ot" more th.in ibtir to one, eomparcil 
■witli the awtlK'ntlcatcd southern roll ot" revolutionary troops. 

Your letter su;zi;ests, also, thesis sitinificant and important ipiestions: " What 
intercut Ma^aiic/niscttx Inis taken in the Nniili-Wcsl, in tlif waij of fdvnring ilx 
settlemeut'f How much nionai/ she hn.s exjxnded in muds, anuds, <ind raihoays? 
What she mai/ have done to induce education, reliijion, and morality, among our 
people ? " 

The field of incjuiry on which you have opened is nearly without limit. 
Nor do any means of reply, with statistical ])recision, exist anywhere. 
But I am nuikinj; an effort to accumulate, throiijj;ii a variety of sources, an 
array of facts, which, with some ])ains, I am well aware may be eombined and 
arranged so as to disclose the amplest ]>roofs of the eordial pood will and 
interest constantly felt and manifested from the bepiniiin<2;, not less in the 
moral welfare than in the material /growth and the industrial development of 
the ^Vest by the ]ieople of Nt!w iMij^land. The results of these investigations 
■will form the substance of another eommunieation. 

Meanwhile, will you allow me to allude to the characteristic policy in 
national alfairs, by which the statesmen of the East have distinguished their 
inlluenee in the national Icijislation bearing on the interest of the ^^'esterIl 
States? I do so, not only tor the purpose of illustrating what Ave regard a.s 
our prescri])tive career of friendship, but because it enables me to introduce 
evidence drawn from ]iu])lie history, and the opinions of eminent men, ex- 
pressed in better woi'ds than mine. To this end I have extracted the following 
])aragra])h from the speech of Mr. Sumner, of ^lassachnsetts, in the Senate of 
the Uniteil States, in January, 1852, in support of a bill granting the right of 
vay and certain pul)lie lands in Iowa to aid the construction of certain roads 
in that State. I\Ir. Sumner said : — 

"In sustaining this bill, I but followed the example of the Senators and 
Representatives of Massachusetts on kindred measures, from their earliest 
introduction down to the present time. The first instance was in 1823, on the 
grant of the State of Ohio of land one hundred and twenty-five feet wide, 
■with one mile on each side, for the construction of a road from the lower rapids 
of the ]\Iiami River to the western boundary of the Connecticut Reserve. On 
the final passage of this grant in the House, the Massachusetts delegation voted 
as follows: Yeas. — Samuel C. Allen, Henry W. Dwight, Timothy Fidler, 
Jeremiah Nelson, John Reed, Jonathan Russell. Nay. — Benjamin Gorliani. 
In the Senate, the bill passed without a division. In 1828, a still greater 
unanimity occurred, on the passage of the bill to aid the State of Ohio in 
extending the IMIami Canal from Dayton to Lake Erie ; and this bill is the 
first instance of the grant of alternate sections, as in that now before the 
Senate. 

"On this the Massachusetts delegation in the House voted as follows: 
Yeas. — Isaac C. Bates, Benjamin W. Crowninshield, John Davis, Edwai'd 
Everett, John Locke, John Reed, .Joseph Richardson, John Varnum. 
Nays. — None. In the Senate, Messrs. Silsbee and Webster both voted in 
the anirmative. I pass over the intermediate grants, which, I am told, have 
been sustained by tlie ^Massachusetts delegations with substantial unanimity. 

" The extensive grants at the last session of Congress to Illinois, Mississippi, 
and Alabama, in aid of a railroad from Chicago to Mobile, were sustained by 
all the Massachusetts votes in the House exoejit one. Still further, in sustain- 
ing the present bill on grounds of iusliee to the land States, I but followed the 
recorded instructions of the Legislature of ^Massachusetts, addressed to its 
Senators and Representiitives here on a former occasion. 

" The subject was presented, in a spicial message, to the Legislature in 1841, 
by the dislinguisheil CJovernor at the time, who strongly urged 'a liberal policy 
toward the actual settler, and toward the new States, for this is justly due to 
Loth.' And he a(hlcd : * Such States arc entitled to a more liberal siiare of 



the proceeds of the public lands than the old States, as we owe to their enter- 
prise much of the value this property has acquired. It seems to me, therefore, 
that justice toicard the States in tvhich these lands lie demands a liberal and 
generous policy toivard them.' In accordance with this recommendation, it 
was resolved by the Legislatur.e, ' That, in the disposition of the public lands, 
this Commonwealth approves of making liberal provisions in favor of the new 
States ; and that she ever has been and still is ready to co-operate with other 
portions of the Union, in securing to those States such provisions.' Thus, a 
generous policy toward the land States, with liberal provisions in their favor, 
was considered by Massachusetts the part of justice." 

What could be more triumphant in the confidence of its tone, the emphasis 
of its contradiction, than the defiant denial with which Mr. Webster, on the 
same floor, met the attack of Mr. Calhoun, whose political disciples, in Avhat- 
ever section of the Union, have not failed to imitate the traits of his mis- 
chievous career. 

In his remarkable speech on " Foot's Resolution," Mr. Webster exclaimed : 

" I deny that the East has, at any time, shown an illiberal policy towards 
the West. I pronounce the whole accusation to be without the least founda- 
tion in any facts, existing either now or at any previous time. 

" I deny it in the general, and I deny each and all its particulars. I deny 
the sum total, and I denj- the detail. I deny that the East has ever manifested 
hostility to the West, and I deny that she has adopted any policy that would 
naturally have led her in such a course." 

And, further on in the same speech, Mr. Webster declares, " I maintain 
tliat, fi'om the day of the cession of tlie territories by the States to Congress, 
no portion of the country has acted either with more liberality or more intel- 
ligence, on the subject of the public lands in the new States, than New 
England." 

And, again, supporting the declaration, he says : — 

"At the foundation of the Constitution of those new North Western States 
lies the celebrated Ordinance of 1787. We are accustomed. Sir, to praise 
the lawgivers of antiquity ; we help to perpetuate the fame of Solon and 
Lycurgus ; but I doubt whether one single law of any lawgiver, ancient or 
modern, has produced eiFects of more distinct, marked, and lasting character 
than the Ordinance of 1787. That instrument was drawn by Nathan Dane, 
then and now a citizen of Massachusetts. 

******* 

" It was sustained, indeed by the votes of the South, but it must have failed 
without the cordial support of the New England States. If New England 
has been governed by the narrow and selfish views now ascribed to her, this 
very measure was, of all others, the best calculated to thwart her purposes. 
It was of all things, the very means of rendering certain a A'ast Immigration 
from her own population to the West. She looked to that consequence only 
to disregard it." 

And yet again : — 

"I assert, boldly, that in all measures conducive to the welfare of the West, 
since my acquaintance here, no part of the country has manifested a more 
liberal policy. I beg to say, sir, that I do not state this with a view of claim- 
ing for her any special regard on that account. Not at all. She does not 
place her support of measures on the ground of flivor conferred. Far other- 
wise. What she has done has been consonant to her view of the general 
good, and therefore she has done it. She has sought to make no gain of It ; 
on the contrary, individuals may have felt, undoubtedly, some natural regret 
at finding the relative Importance of their own States diminished by the 
growth of the West. But New England has regarded that as the natural 
course of things, and has never complained of it. 

" Let me see any one measure favorable to the West which has been 
opposed by New England, since the government bestowed its attention on 
these Western improvements. Select what you will, — If it be a measure of 



acknowledgod utility, — I answer for it, it will he found that not only wore 
Nt'w England voti's cast for it, hut that New Knghuul voles cdrricd it. Will 
you tako the Cunihorhnul Road V — wIkj has niailc that? Will you take, tho 
Portland Canal V — wliosi', support carritMl that hill? Sir, at what period 
hi'vond the (ireek Kalends, could tiicst- measures, or nu'asures like these, 
have been aeconiplished, had they depended on the votes of Southern gen- 
tlemen. 

" Why, sir, wo know that wo must have waited till tho constitutional notions 
of those gentlemen had undergone an entire change. Generally speaking, 
tlu'v iiave done nothing, and can <lo nothing. All that has hecn eileileil has 
been done by the votes of reproached New Englaml. I umlertake to say, sir, 
that if you look to the votes on any one of tlies(; measures, and strike; out 
from the list of ayes the names of New England mcmbei's, it will be Ibund 
that, in every e.ase, the South would then have voted down the West, anil 
the measure would have failed. I do not believe any one instance can be 
found where this is not strictly true. I do not belit^ve that one dollar has 
been expended for these jiurposes beyonil the mountains, which could havo 
been obtained without cordial coiiperation and sup[)ort from New England. 

" Sir, I ])ut the (piestion to the ^W'.st itselt! Let gentlemen who have sat 
here ten years come forth and declare by what aids, and by whose votes, they 
have succccde<l in measures deemed of essential impoitanee to their part of 
the country. To all men of sense and candor, in or out of Congress, who 
have any knowledge upon the subject, New England may appeal for refuta- 
tion of the reproach it is now attempted to cast upon her in tliis respect. 

" I take the lil)erty to repeat that I make no claim on behalf of New Eng- 
land, or on account of tliat wlilch 1 have now stated. She <loes not profess to 
have acted out of favor, for it would not become her so to have acted. She 
asks for no s[)ecial thanks; but, in the consciousness of having done her 
duty in these things uj)rigiitly and honestly, and with a fair and liberal spirit, 
be assured she will re[)el, whenever she thinks the occasion calls for it, an 
unjust and groundless imputation of partiality and selfishness." 

And now, I pray you, in contrast with the language of Webster, to read 
that of McDufiee, in 1.S25, replying to Mr. Webster, then a member of the 
House of Kcpresentatives. Fail not to contrast the sentiments of Massachu- 
setts with the sentiments of South Carolina. Remember that the doctrines of 
Mr. Webster, In 1825, were those of Mr. Sumner In 18.32, and are held not 
less firmly now by the men of New England, marching shoulder to shoulder 
with the men of the West* In upholding the only national government the 
West has ever known in all her history, and the protection of wiiicli has 
conducted her on to greatness, that government whose cradle New England 
rocked in the hours of its infancy, and lor whose life New England will, if 
need be, maintain tiie struggle until time shall be no more. 

But, listen, I pray you, to McDuil'ee : — 

"The gentleman from Massachusetts has urged, as one leading reason why 
the government should make roads to the West, that these roads have a ten- 
dency to settle the public lands, that they Increase the inducements to settle- 
ment, and that this is a national object. Sir, 1 dilFer entirely from his views 
on the subject. I think that the public lands are settling (julte fast enough, 
that our people neefl no .stiumlus to urge them thither, but want rather a 
check, at least on that artillcial tendency to Western settlement which wo 
have created by our own laws. 

" The gentleman says th.at the great object of government with regard to 
these lands is, not to make them a source ot revenue, but to get them settled. 
What would have been thought of this argument in the old thirteen States? 

* It 8bould not be overlooked that MafsachumttK regimcnto, and many otiters from New England, 
are now under Major-Oencral Banks, of .Maxsachusctts, cooperating ut New Orleans, Baton Uougo, 
and Port Uudson, in oiicuing the Hirer Mississippi. 



8 



013 703 154 1 



[It amoimts to this, that those States are to offer a bonus of their own impover- 
fishment, to create a vortex to swallow up our floating population. Look, sir, 
at the present aspect of the Southern States. In no part of Europe will you 
see the same indications of decay. Deserted villages, houses failing to ruin, 
impoverished lands thrown out of cultivation. Sir, I believe that if the public 
lands had never been sold, the aggregate amount of the national Avealth 
would have been greater at this moment. Our population, if concentrated in 
the old States., and not ground down by tariffs, would have been more pros- 
perous and wealthy. But every inducement has been held out to them to 
settle in the West, until our population has become sparse, and then the effects 
of this sparseness are now to be counteracted by another artificial system. 

" Sir, I say, if there is any object worihy the attention of this Government, 
it is a plan which shall limit the sale of the public lands. If those lauds were 
sold according to their real value, be it so. But while the Government con- 
tinues as it does, to give them away, they will draw the y)Oj)ulation ot the older 
States, and still further increase the effect which is already distressingly felt, 
and which must go to diminish the value of all those States possess. And 
this, sir, is held out to us as a motive for granting the present appropriation. I 
would not, indeed, prevent the formation of roads on these considerations, 
but certainly would not encourage it." 

We of Massachusetts are as little in sympathy with the McDufTce of 182.5, 
and the Calhoun of 1829, as with the "institution" around which crystalized 
the politics of South Carolina, of which Secessionism is the product, and which 
is the boasted " corner-stone " of the " Confederacy " of Traitors. Does the 
Northwest demand a highway for the procession of her teeming granaries to 
the sea, which will surpass the "Father of Waters" in its value to the com- 
merce of the world and to the farmers of the agricultural States ? She will 
look, even now, to the members from New England to support her ship canal 
uniting the Mississippi with Lake Michigan, and to secure its passage. I trust 
she will not be mistaken. 

The doctrines of Mr. Webster, thirty years ago, are not less true or accep- 
table to Massachusetts to-day. And I pray you to remember that whenever 
New England has been accused of singularity, the charge has never rested for 
its facts on the narrowness, but only on the comprehensive breadth of her 
principles and her methods. We do not believe tliat the road to prosperity 
and honor lies over the misfortune of other States or other men. We hold 
that in the moral welfare, the material wealth, the industrial development and 
intellectual power of all states and people shall we share ourselves; striving 
to be unlike the sjjliler, who sucks poison from the sweetest llovv^er, but like the 
bee, which draws nurture even from the humblest. 

While I put tbrward no claim to intrinsic or original superiority in the New 
England character, I do assert the facts of her history and her traditional 
policy. These are due to her institutions of education, and to the little 
democracies of her towns. Through the power of these institutions, ideas and 
intelligence are enabled to control her conduct in public affairs. While, in 
the South, a single class interest, crushing out the life of democracy, which is 
found in the intellectual culture of the people, dominates all others, and sub- 
ordinates the many to the despotism of the lew. 

Hence, my dear sir, this war of i-ebellion. And in the issues of this war 
are involved the tnum})h or defeat of all which has made the West and the 
East, alike, prosperous, happy, and free. 

With the heartiest good will, 

I am yours, faithfully and respectfully, 

JOHN A. ANDREW. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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